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The Psychology of Torture: Interview with Rory Kennedy, Director of 'Ghosts of Abu Ghraib' — Feb 15th 2007

By Karina Longworth



Rory Kennedy opens her latest documentary, The Ghosts of Abu Ghraib, with footage of the Milgram Experiment, a 1961 behavioral study designed to ask the question, "Could the entire Holocaust really have been the work soldiers following orders?" The results demonstrated that most people will step way beyond their personal moral boundaries if directed to do so by an authority figure. In the Milgram case, subjects thought they were inflicting near-fatal electroshock treatments on unseen prisoners (in reality, they were causing no harm). Conversely, Kennedy demonstrates that the American soldiers involved in the infamous Abu Ghraib torture incidents were made to think that they were doing nothing wrong. When images of the extreme interrogation techniques leaked and the government needed a scapegoat, many of those same soldiers were then sent to prison for following orders.

Netscape sat down with Kennedy last month at the Sundance Film Festival. It was the morning after President Bush's State of the Union speech, and the director, a member of America's most famous left-leaning political family, discussed not only her film but the War on Terror, military history, governmental transparency, and why she thinks the majority of Americans "are mad as hell and are not going to take it anymore." Ghosts of Abu Ghraib premieres Thursday, February 22 on HBO.


The film uses the Milgram Experiment as a structuring metaphor. Did you begin the project with that in mind?

I had originally planned to do a very different film, which was more about the nature of ordinary people who commit extraordinary acts of evil. We were looking to genocides to exemplify that. And then, like so many other people, I was horrified by the photographs that came out of Abu Ghraib, and continued to be haunted by them years after. I found myself asking: Who were these people and what motivated them? Were they the kids next door or were they psychopaths? What was their childhood like? And so I then went back to HBO, where I had been developing the film on genocide, and I said, "How would you feel if we were to change direction and look at Abu Ghraib as our example?'" They were excited about that, and I was then able to get access to a number of the soldiers involved in the abuse--and ultimately to the detainees.

When I talked to these people and asked the question, "Why did you do this?'", they all said the same thing: "I did it because I was told to do it." So Ghosts of Abu Ghraib became much more of an investigative film, and less of a psychological film.
If I'm reading your thesis correctly, it was a combination of factors that caused the soldiers to commit these acts. They were given orders, of course--but in addition, a lot of these people were very young, and they were in a climate that limited their ability to make rational or moral decisions.

I think that's right. I mean, the film still maintains that original intention, which is to explore the psychological component of how these things transpire. But it also addresses the larger, structural elements that were in play: the systems that were there, the people who authorized a lot of the behavior, the policies that were put in place.

I was wondering how you got John Yoo to speak with you. It seems like many documentary filmmakers who have a critical view of the government or the Iraq War are having trouble convincing current and former Administration officials to speak on camera.

We had a lot of trouble getting access to people within the administration or the military. We approached everybody from General Geoffrey Miller to President Bush to Vice President Cheney to Don Rumsfeld, and none of them agreed to speak with us on camera. [Yoo] was in a bit of an unique position because he's no longer part of the administration. I'm very grateful that he was willing to speak with us, because I think it's really important to understand all sides of this debate, rather than just seeing it from a single perspective. I really tried to respect where John Yoo is coming from and what he had to say, and what the administration was thinking at the time, to the degree that he was able to represent that.

Yoo argues that the actual wording of the Geneva Convention is vague. At one point he says that he thinks the people who ordered these abuses thought they were following Geneva. Do you believe that?

He does say that. There's a real disconnect, because the Geneva Conventions say that you have to treat people humanely, you can't abuse them, right? And what Sanchez had authorized was sleep deprivation, stress positions, hooding, nudity. No matter what your interpretation of the Geneva Conventions may be, that's not treating people humanely, that's not respecting human dignity. So it's hard for me to imagine anybody interpreting the Geneva Conventions in such a way that would legitimize those techniques. Ultimately Sanchez did rescind those techniques. But people on the ground were confused about what was authorized and what was not. There wasn't a clear message down the ranks that they could no longer engage in these techniques.

All of this happened after General Miller came to Iraq and ordered Abu Ghraib to be "Gitmoized." What did that mean?

Miller arrived in August of 2003, and a lot of his recommendations were then approved by General Sanchez and other people locally. What he did was to transform one portion of the prison, which was known as "the hard site," into an interrogation center. And that's where they placed their high-value detainees. Then these MPs, who weren't even trained to be prison guards in the first place, were brought into the interrogation staff. They were basically asked to prepare the detainees for the interrogations, to do things like sleep deprivations and stress positions. All the detainees in this area were naked for the duration (some would get their clothes back if they performed in a way that pleased the officials). So [Miller's recommendations] radically transformed the way this part of the prison operated. And the MPs were told that this is how they were going to save America and fight the War on Terror.

So you think the soldiers who were actually involved with this went into it with good intentions, and with faith that they were being told to do the right thing?

I do. I do think that. I don't know about all of them, but I would say absolutely most of them had very good intentions. They went into this war in an effort to protect America, and wanted to fight terrorism, and wanted to save this country, and were thrown into an environment in which they had absolutely no way to navigate.

And the people who were navigating for them--

Were encouraging them to engage in very abusive behavior.

What long-term impact do you see this saga having on the reputation of the United States?


The film is about America, and who we are, and the policies we're engaged in. It's not just looking back to the Geneva Conventions, in the late 1940s--you can go all the way back to the American Revolution. During that time, George Washington was faced with a similar issue. The British soldiers were treating Americans absolutely horrendously. They were chopping off our heads and they were treating us like dogs, like animals, and Washington was asked, "How do you want to treat the British prisoners?" He said, "Treat them with respect and dignity." Because if we lose our moral compass, this battle's not worth fighting. And that has been the mission that has dictated American foreign policy for the past 200 years--with the exception of the last six.

I know there's a lot of legitimate fear of terrorism, and it's a different world. But maintaining our moral compass during these difficult times, and the integrity of who we are as a people, is enormously critical, especially right now. So to me, this isn't just a film about Abu Ghraib. It's about the policies that are still in place, right now, that can contribute to another Abu Ghraib--that contribute to a sense of our country having lost that moral platform. That was the reason why you could travel anywhere in the world and say, "I'm an American," and people would look at you with admiration and respect. Well, that doesn't happen anymore, and it has all changed in six years. Which is the saddest part of this whole thing.

Can we fix it?

I do think it is fixable. But as citizens, we have to demand more transparency from this government. We've passed this legislation, and we have our leaders saying we don't torture, but if you look between the lines of the legislation, there's still lots of room for abuse. In [The Military Commissions Act of 2006], they say we don't torture, but a different set of standards applies to the CIA. And so you ask, what are those standards? And you get the answer, "Well, you can understand why we can't tell you that."

I think the average person is so confused as to what our policy on torture actually entails.

Right. Nobody knows what our policy is. The policy makers don't know what our policy is! You really have to analyze it with a fine-toothed comb to understand that there is still ample room for abuse. So I'm deeply, deeply concerned. I mean, we've taken away habeas corpus, we've taken away the rights of prisoners--constitutional rights that we've maintained for hundreds of years in the country. We've just taken them away from prisoners who don't have the right to an attorney, who don't have the right to represent themselves, who may be held in prison indefinitely. That sounds like a country that is completely unfamiliar to me. It's frightening that America is representing these ideals and policies to the rest of the world.

We're heading into a new presidential election. Do you feel that eight years of damage will be too much for the next administration to correct? Or can change in the opposite direction happen just as quickly?


I think it can happen. I mean, yesterday they had a poll that said the President's approval rating is at a new low, which is 33 percent--

Actually, this morning, it fell to the high 20s. After the State of the Union.

Really? [laughs] So, I think people are mad as hell and they're not going to take it anymore. That's where we are when you have 75 percent of the country saying, "We're heading in the wrong direction, Mr. President." The American people feel emboldened to take this presidency to task, and to halt the abuse of power.

Portions of this interview previously appeared here.


Tags: abughraib, documentary, ghosts of abu ghraib, GhostsOfAbuGhraib, interview, iraq, netscape reports, NetscapeReports, prison, rory kennedy, RoryKennedy, torture

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